Friday, 17 July 2015

7th National Assembly’s Biggest Regrets – Ndoma-Egba

Ndoma-Egba

The 8th Senate of the National Assembly has just kicked off amidst controversy over choice of leadership and manner of its emergence. How would you assess the immediate past 7th Senate of which you were the majority leader vis a vis it’s role in stabilizing the nation’s democracy?
Well, l feel very humbled that l was a part of the Senate that was scandal free as a Nigeria political institution. That was a major achievement for me. I am also grateful that l worked with colleagues who gave their support to me as the majority leader of that Senate. And l feel fulfilled and contented that it was during my time that we achieved the kind of stability we recorded in the 7th Senate. For the newly inaugurated 8th Senate, they are still young in their tenure aNdoma-Egband therefore need to be given the chance and support to stabilize and work for the nation.

How would you describe your experience in the Senate in the past twelve years as a lawmaker. What are your moments of joy and regret?
I feel quite elated that l was part of the democratic institution that nurtured our democracy to maturity despite the very serious hemorrhage in our institutional memory. If you look at our historical challenges and experiences so far in our quest to build an enduring democracy after many years of military rule, you will discover that the parliament is the youngest of all the three arms of government. It presupposes that it requires some period of time to stabilize which the 7th Senate was able to do. You will also agree with me that it is this stability and probity that made it possible for the party in government to lose to the party in opposition in the just-concluded election. So in the 16 years of our present democracy, 12 of which l was a participant, we have seen a president handing over to another president and a president being handed over to. We also saw our democracy survive very stressful moments as a result of a sitting President’s ailment. In the same period, we saw an acting President become a president and so on. So really saw it all. That’s why l said l was part of history. But it is a thing of regret that the parliament is losing a large number of its experienced lawmakers after every election. It is this institutional memory that preserves, stabilizes and enhances the legislative efficiency of the parliament. Also, one dream that l had which unfortunately, l could not realize due to my exit, is to archive all our political milestones from 1960 to the present era.

Talking about stabilizing the Senate, how were you able to manage the different tendencies as Senate leader to achieve the kind of relative cohesion that existed during your period in the upper chamber of the parliament?
Well, l think first and foremost, it is the Grace of God and then through the help of the Senate leadership under the former Senate President, Senator David Mark and other members of the leadership and my colleagues as well. Again, l think it just had to do with chemistry. There are certain people you just naturally flow with and we just blended. It was as if we have known ourselves for years. Fortunately, l have known Senator David Mark since 1978, although we got closer when we came together in the Senate. For the Deputy Senate President, Senator Ike Ekweremadu, we met for the first time in 2003, when we came to the Senate. We got on very well and that was the chemistry l was talking about. Another thing is that we were very open with one another. Whenever we couldn’t resolve certain issues or we could not take any decision within the Senate leadership, we will take it to the executive session. We worked as a team and we could almost vouch for one another. Not for one day did we undermine one another and there was no struggle to do so.

You have always talked about preserving the institutional memory of the parliament particularly the National Assembly. What we have had in the previous elections was a situation where a significant proportion of the experienced legislators were unable to return. When are we going to have less fresh men lawmakers populating the parliament after each general elections?
We will get to some point where we will retain as much of these experienced legislators in the parliament as possible. This will come when the political parties get their acts together. The loss is more in Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) and that was because the party was appropriated. It was no longer what the people wanted, it was what the leaders of the party wanted. They were ready to mangle and manipulate every process to achieve what they wanted. So the state governors took total control and everybody including the President were held hostage. The party buckled under the weight of its overbearing governors and it’s contradictions. If you would remember that after the party primaries ahead of the last elections, we witnessed a one way traffic of people from PDP to other parties without a corresponding movement from other parties to the PDP. Which means that something very wrong was happening in the PDP and something better was happening in other political parties. Because of lack of internal democracy in the party, there was no way the institutional memory of the parliament could be preserved. The good news and the lesson we have to learn across board is that a second tenure can not be taken for granted. The second lesson also is that impunity is unsustainable anywhere. The greatest assurance to electoral success or victory, is the level of your internal democracy.

At what point did the PDP allow the governors to acquire or wield the kind of near absolute power and influence they had within the party?
It is a bit difficult to say at what point the governors acquired such powers…….

Then why was it difficult for the party to control them?
The governors did not only take over at the state level, they did the same thing at the national level. They simply became overbearing, such that whatever they wanted, they got. And you know, of course, that the governors, forum helped them to achieve that. My own situation in Cross River state was a typical example. We had congresses and the result was okay. I was able to secure a court order to sustain the result of that party congress . A court order was subsisting. The party also had an appeal process to take care of those who were dissatisfied with the outcome of that congress. But because the result of the congress was not favorable to the governor (Liyel Imoke), he worked for the cancellation of that result, despite the subsisting court order and the fact that the party has an internal mechanism for appeal. Also, don’t forget that it is the same governors that dictate who the Councilors, the local government chairmen, the State Assembly and the National Assembly men are. They also determine who a state commissioner is and who is appointed into every board of parastatal and corporation. Intact, they determine who would be made a minister of the federal republic. So what power is left of the President or the party itself? Therefore it got to a point that PDP became a party for the governors and it became a government for the governors.

Credit: Eagle News

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